| Papers [1-15] of 32 :: [Page 1 of 3] | | Go to page : 1 2 3 —> | Search results on "KANSAS": |
|
|
Bleeding Kansas, 2004. Examines the violent era in Kansas between the years 1854 and 1861, which is known as "Bleeding Kansas". 856 words (approx. 3.4 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 30.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines the ideas of popular sovereignty, the Lecompton Constitution, and the New England Immigrant Aid Society, with respect to the 1854-1861 struggle in Kansas between those opposed to slavery, those in favor of slavery, and those in favor of leaving the issue up to the states to decide. In addition, the paper examines the Pottawatomie Massacre and Quantrill?s Raid.
From the Paper "Popular sovereignty, otherwise known as squatter sovereignty, began in 1850. This political doctrine promoted controversy by stating that people n federal territories should have free will when it came to whether or not their territories would enter the Union as a slave state or a free state. First applied to Utah and New Mexico territories, the doctrine was used in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act in 1854. This act repealed the previously applied prohibition of slavery north of the 36 30? latitude line. Thus, the Kansas territory was given the right to choose for themselves how their territory would enter the Union (NPS, ?Overview?)."
| |
|
The Kansas City Preventative Patrol Study, 2004. Discusses why the results of the Kansas City Preventative Patrol Study (1972) are not statistically valid. 975 words (approx. 3.9 pages), 4 sources, APA, $ 34.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper focuses on the Kansas City Preventative Patrol Study and the statistical validity of the findings. The experiment was conducted in 1972 by the Kansas City Police to test the effects of police patrol on the incidence of crime. The study lasted over a year and was evaluated by the Police Foundation, which also provided funding and technical assistance for the study. The purpose of the study was to test the assumption that police patrolling the streets in marked cars can prevent individuals from committing crimes. This paper discusses why the results of the Kansas City Preventative Patrol Study are not statistically valid. The paper is divided into three sections: a brief introduction of the study, the results, and why these results lack statistical value.
From the Paper "Conducting the study in Kansas City does not provide an adequate testing ground. In other cities where there is high crime, high unemployment and a substantial homeless population, patrolling would prove beyond a doubt to be effective. Because the study was so limited in scope, it cannot be considered statistically valid that a high visible police presence has no impact on crime in select circumstances. Had the study been conducted across the country in rural and major metropolitan areas in different regions and then compared, there might have been sufficient data to validate the results."
| |
|
"What's the Matter with Kansas?", 2006. Reviews Thomas Frank's "What's the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America." 920 words (approx. 3.7 pages), 1 source, MLA, $ 31.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract Review of Thomas Frank's 2004 book, "What's the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Hearts of America". It shows how Frank's basic argument is that Kansas is an exemplar of voting patterns in the United States.
From the Paper "In his text titled What's the Matter with Kansas How Conservatives Won the Hearts of America Thomas Frank argues that if one takes Kansas as an exemplar of voting patterns in the United States it is becoming.."
| |
|
"What's The Matter With Kansas?", 2005. A review of Thomas Frank's work, "What's the Matter with Kansas?", about the dramatic shift in Midwestern politics and it's effect on today's political landscape. 1,785 words (approx. 7.1 pages), 0 sources, $ 57.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper is a review of Thomas Frank's work "What's the Matter with Kansas?" The author considers that Midwestern politics have shifted dramatically in the 20th century to now. Kansas is the example used, as it went from being one of the most liberal states in the country to the poster state for social conservatives such as Senator Sam Brownback. The paper also examines the fact that Midwesterners are voting against their economic status by consistently choosing conservatives who favor higher taxes for low-income citizens.
From the Paper "Thomas Frank's "What's The Matter With Kansas?" is an exceptionally written history and analysis of mid-western politics during the 20th Century. In discussing this, he uses his home state of Kansas as the primary example. He analyzes the dramatic shift of Kansas' politics from being one of the most historically liberal states in the country, to being the conservative juggernaut that it is now. Frank illustrates his arguments with accurate historical accounts, personal experiences, and an extensive knowledge of American politics that make it easy for the reader to grasp. This review will analyze the specifics of the aforementioned arguments, and also point out the flaws and successes of his accounts. Frank is the founding editor of The Baffler, a leftist magazine that analyzes and critiques American culture and has been around since 1988. Frank has also written two other books, One Market Under God and The Conquest of Cool. He also writes frequently for magazines Harper's, The Nation, and Le Monde Diplomatique. Frank's reasons for writing this book are a general discontent for the way mid-western civilians have voted in the past decade and the shift in mid-western ideology from very liberal to ultra-conservative."
| |
|
Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, 2002. An examination of the famous 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas case in which the Supreme Court finally declared segregation illegal in the U.S. 1,200 words (approx. 4.8 pages), 7 sources, MLA, $ 41.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract An examination into the history of U.S. constitutional law on the subject of racial segregation in public places and the different interpretations of the 14th Amendment (equal protection clause). The writer shows how this matter was clarified once and for all by the U.S. Supreme Court in the 1954 Brown vs. Topeka Board of Education when segregation was finally declared illegal in America.
From the Paper "Once the Supreme Court decided that segregation definitely caused inequalities, it used the Constitution to prove that segregation was illegal. Warren admitted that the Fourteenth Amendment was vague and inconclusive, but also concluded that segregation defied the Fourteenth Amendment. Segregation in public schools did not provide equal opportunities, and students who were equally talented, but of different races, were being separated. The Chief Justice's famous closing statement summed up the reasoning used in the decision: "in the field of public education the doctrine of 'separate but equal' has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal . . .. the plaintiffs . . . are . . . deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the 14th Amendment". (Urofsky-1989)"
| |
|
Family Law and Adoption, 2004. An analysis of adoption and family law according to Kansas statutes and cases. 2,068 words (approx. 8.3 pages), 6 sources, MLA, $ 65.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper explores the Kansas statutes related to adoption so as to comprehensively understand the legal procedures and the application of rules and regulations, which the State of Kansas applies to various situations. The paper contends that it is about time that the policy makers realize that the state government cannot serve the adoption clients nor can the certified agents of the adoption agency hope to provide superior services to their clients, unless they institute separate principles for service to each stakeholder of the adoption process - the birth parents, the adopting parents and the adopted child.
Outline
Introduction
Review of Literature
Basic Statutes of Adoption in Kansas
Current Trends in the Kansas Adoption Procedures
Conclusion
From the Paper "The study of adoption is very important as it influences millions of lives in the United States, who are an element of the adoption process. For instance, the birth parents who put their children for adoption; the children who are adopted; and the parents who adopt children. It is also believed that adoption influences approximately 3% of Americans who initially think of adoption but later on decide against it. For instance, Allen P. Fisher (2003) writes, "Adoption is certainly a very common occurrence in the United States and in much of the world today. No official and complete counts of adoptions exist, but estimates are that about 4% of Americans are adopted; about half of these have been adopted by persons not related to them by birth ." Allen goes on to write, "A recent national survey of 1416 Americans found that nearly two thirds of the respondents (64%) had a personal experience with adoption, meaning that someone in their family or among their close friends had been adopted, had adopted a child, or had placed a child for adoption (Allen P. Fisher 2003)." "
| |
|
The Hyatt Walkway Collapse, 2004. A report of the collapse of the Hyatt Regency walkway in Kansas City. 893 words (approx. 3.6 pages), 3 sources, MLA, $ 31.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines the parties involved in the collapse of the Kansas City Hyatt Regency walkway. The paper presents each responsible party and discusses the role each played and the degree of their guilt in this tragedy.
From the Paper "Additionally, the engineering firm?s original designed was unable to support the minimum support value required by the Kansas City Building Code. This was a minimum of 151 kN, while the original design was capable of supporting only 90 kN. It was clear that the engineering firm involved was either incompetent or plain stupid, since the difference between the required minimum and the actual minimum in the original design is huge."
| |
|
Union Station Massacre, 2002. A discussion of the Kansas City Union Station Massacre that occurred in 1933. 1,590 words (approx. 6.4 pages), 4 sources, MLA, $ 52.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract A scene-by-scene account of the massacre that took place on June 17, 1933 by Frank "Jelly" Nash . It provides a background bio of the murderer, describing his previous crimes and convictions. It then provides details of the events as they unfolded, the shootout itself and the police actions that followed. Investigations and follow-up reports are also analyzed.
From the Paper "The massacre all began several months before June 1933. Frank "Jelly" Nash was a famous murderer, train robber, and underworld figure. "He had been involved in crime for 20 years, since 1913, when he and a young crony robbed a bank at Sapulpa, Oklahoma. Although barely out of his teens, Nash was ruthless: he killed his pal by shooting him in the back and ran off with all of the bank loot. Nash was captured and sentenced to life in the Oklahoma State Penitentiary at McAlester" (Breuer 78)."
| |
|
Racially Segregated Education ? Did it Work?, 2002. An examination of the Brown vs. Board court ruling in Topeka, Kansas of 1954, which established equal education admittance to children of all races into American schools. 1,025 words (approx. 4.1 pages), 5 sources, APA, $ 36.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper discusses the Brown vs. Board case which established equal education for all races. It looks at why segregation can be disadvantageous and uses case studies to illustrate this point. The writer examines the tactics used by the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) when fighting to pass this ruling. The paper concludes with the advantages of equal education.
From the Paper "For centuries, African-American parents and supporters have been challenging the United States? educational system. In 1954, the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas ruling changed this system forever. The unanimous decision by the U.S. Supreme Court eliminated a previous decision that established a ?separate but equal? educational policy, and led to the integration of schools throughout the country. Without this necessary response to many unsuccessful attempts to ensure equal opportunities for all children, African American students would have remained at a serious disadvantage and the United States would not truly be a democratic country."
| |
|
Violent Habitual Offenders, 2005. A discussion on whether violent repeat offenders should be committed beyond the limits of their jail terms. 1,427 words (approx. 5.7 pages), 2 sources, MLA, $ 47.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract In 1997 the Supreme Court established a precedent for detaining a habitual violent criminal beyond the limits of his prison term in the case of 'Kansas Vs. Hendricks'. Judge Clarence Thomas wrote the majority opinion, which stated that the Kansas statute allowing the action neither violated the civil rights of the defendant nor constituted ex post facto lawmaking. This paper examines the issue of committing violent repeat offenders and looks at other options beyond the obvious choice of prison.
From the Paper "The prediction of future behavior is a concept that is not recognized in American jurisprudence. The law and the constitution hold that a person may not be deprived of life and liberty without due process. Due process is not defined as including any prediction of future behavior by any panel of experts, medical or judicial. From this perspective, committing a person because he is judged to have a mental condition that would make him likely to commit the crime again would be patently unconstitutional. The compulsion to commit an offense, a previous record of certain offenses or a psychiatric pathology that usually results in a type of behavior in no way is a guarantee that the offense will be committed."
| |
|
Black Soldiers in the Civil War, 2004. An examination of the first and second colored regiments in the Civil War. 2,369 words (approx. 9.5 pages), 13 sources, MLA, $ 72.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper looks at how, in America's military forces as in all aspects of American life, blacks have faced profound racial discrimination, even hatred, and how, like other members of their race throughout history, blacks in the military have had to struggle against racism in both the North and the South that affected almost every aspect of public life, including military bases. It explores how the first and second colored regiments in the Civil War illustrate how Kansas in particular has a history of racial tensions in military settings and how the first two colored regiments were formed by Kansas General James H. Lane, who targeted both the fugitive slaves from Missouri and the free blacks from the North.
From the Paper "Lincoln had also been perplexed by another Kansas radical, General James Blunt . To ease frictions, Lincoln had transferred Blunt from the Department of Kansas to command the Army of the Frontier in Indian Territory. On October 6, 1863, Blunt's troops approached Baxter Springs, located in a vast prairie where army livestock was sent regularly. To protect the animals, a post had been established. The buildings stood in a hollow near the water and out of sight of the vast plain. A hundred men were stationed here, two thirds of whom were black. They were eating dinner when they heard shooting coming from between the mess tent and the soldiers' sleeping quarters. Dave Pool was in command."
| |
|
Driver's License to Illegal Immigrants, 2008. This paper discusses the controversial issue of issuing illegal immigrants with a legal driving license and looks at Senate Bill 1160. 7,563 words (approx. 30.3 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 165.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract In this article, the writer notes that there are more than 2.2 undocumented illegal immigrant drivers in California. The writer points out that they rallied with law enforcers, insurance companies and the religious sector in support of Senate Bill 1160 or the Immigrant Responsibility and Security Act. The writer explains that signed into law, this bill would allow undocumented immigrants to apply for a driver's license. The bill, authored by Senator Gil Cedillo, would allow illegal immigrants to secure a license by presenting a valid passport or identification issued by the consulate of the immigrant's country of origin. The writer discusses the arguments for and against such a bill. The writer mentions the belief that the bill would increase public safety, enhance a sense of responsibility and citizenship, and intensify homeland security by requiring applicants to undergo a criminal background check by the FBI against the terrorism watch list. The writer also explains that, according to surveys, 66% of non-Hispanic whites opposed the bill. This group believed that the bill would condone and encourage the violation of federal immigration law and induce and facilitate the commission of more crimes.
Outline:
Background Information
Deal or No Deal?
A Driver's License and the National Security
Action and Inaction
32% of Them in California
A Majority of Non-White Population in 2010
More Arguments For and Against
ITIN Issue and Other Issues in Kansas
Group Lobbies for Immigrant Rights in Kansas
Driving Permit for Utah Immigrants
Related Bills
Confusing and Self-Serving
What California Residents Feel
Other Group Reactions to the Grant of Drivers' Licenses
Sensenbrenner's Concessions
Standardizing Drivers' Licenses
For Tighter Measures ...
Asking for Just a Little Bit
The Case of Wisconsin
DMV Workers' License Scam
Hazmat Licenses
National Driver's License Draws Criticisms
Should or Shouldn't Illegal Aliens Be Issued Drivers' Licenses?
Arguments in Favor of Granting Drivers' Licenses to Illegal Aliens
Arguments Against
Suggested Solutions
From the Paper "Cedillo claimed that he had an agreement with the Governor that the latter would help pass a new law with additional security features, but that there would be no identifying markers for illegal immigrants. The Governor denied making any agreement with Cedillo. Instead, he maintained that markers were necessary for homeland security and to prevent terrorists from using a license to open a back account or enroll in flight schools. The license bill supporters argued that banks and airlines already accept consular identification cards. Many law enforcement leaders also claimed that a driver's license would enable them to track down illegal immigrants and that this would tend to result in fewer uninsured drivers and hit-and-run accidents. Conservative Republicans, however, countered that illegal immigrants had violated the law and must, therefore, be punished for it, not rewarded. They had begun taking steps towards a constitutional amendment, which would prohibit the grant of driver's licenses to illegal residents. They also worked for support for this initiative from voters in the March 2006 elections. Likewise, they accused the Governor of double dealing by requiring a marker but trying to keep the sympathy of Latinos."
| |
|
Domestic Violence and Legislation, 2005. A look at the changing policy towards domestic violence through the eyes of the law. 3,697 words (approx. 14.8 pages), 20 sources, MLA, $ 102.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper discusses how domestic violence has rightfully evolved from a domestic issue to a serious crime. It explains that this change was the result of many factors: feminist activism, government recommendations, research studies, law suites, and the media raising the public's awareness. The writer points out that by the early 1990s, meaningful changes in the legal system were implemented and domestic violence was finally deemed a federal crime in 1994. The paper concludes that legal reform is still a work in progress - now that domestic violence laws have been strengthened, prevention, treatment, and understanding are the new frontiers for change.
1.0 Introduction
2.0 Historical Background
3.0 Scope of Problem before Legal Reform
4.0 Impetus for Change
4.1 1970s, Battered Women's Movement
4.2 1977 Studies in Detroit and Kansas City
4.3 Batter's Intervention Services/Education/Treatment Programs, Early 1980s
4.4 Individual and Institutional Advocacy Became Common, Early 1980s
4.5 The 1984 Attorney General's Task Force Report on Family Violence
4.6 The 1984 Minneapolis Domestic Violence Experiment
4.7 Thurman v. Torrington, 1985
4.8 Media Attention, 1980s
5.0 Resulting Changes
5.1 Late 1970s
5.2 Early and Mid 1980s
5.3 Late 1980s
5.4 Early 1990s
6.0 Room for Improvement
6.1 Prevention
6.2 Treatment
6.3 Stereotyping
7.0 Conclusion
From the Paper "Today, there is a view that domestic violence is a wrong that should be righted in every state in this country (Model Code on Domestic and Family Violence, 1994, National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges). Empowered by stronger domestic abuse laws, legislators, government administrators, law enforcement, courts, attorneys, the medical and health care community, advocates and providers of services to victims, corrections and providers of treatment for offenders, educators, and volunteers now form a wide network to protect the rights of domestic abuse victims. However, this wasn't always the case.
As this paper reveals, until the late 1970s, law enforcement treated domestic violence as a family issue rather than a crime. As the scope of the domestic violence issue grew, feminists, the government, researchers, the courts and the media had to work very hard to create impetus for change. Progress was slow. Only minor changes in the legal system occurred throughout the late 1970s and 1980s. Beginning in the early 1990s, meaningful changes took hold and the legal system and police have moved in the right direction. Yet, there's still more work to be done in prevention, treatment and the recognition that heterosexual women aren't the only victims of domestic violence."
| |
|
Affirmative Action and University, 2006. An analysis of the impact of "Brown vs. Board of Education" and "Bakke vs. University of California" on educational rights for minorities. 1,365 words (approx. 5.5 pages), 5 sources, MLA, $ 45.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper examines how beginning with such decisions as "Brown vs. the Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas", the Supreme Court began to overturn discriminatory statutes and rule that "separate but equal" was not constitutional, and that no state had the right to deprive one group of citizens of equal protections and privileges under the law. It also looks at how the Bakke case marked a watershed in the Affirmative Action movement. Allan Bakke was a White man who was denied admission to the University of California at Davis despite the fact that his grades and test scores were higher than various minorities who had been accepted to the school. Bakke sued... all the way to the United States Supreme Court. It looks at how his was the very first affirmative action case to be heard by the nation's highest court and how it was to have profound consequences for American universities.
From the Paper "It was only yesterday that segregation reigned supreme across much of the United States. Throughout the South, Black students attended Black schools, and White Students attended White schools. And even outside the South, in places like California, a more informal kind of discrimination was practiced. Schools and universities often closed their doors to African-Americans and other minorities. People of Color could not gain admission to advanced studies' programs at prestigious schools such as the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles. In this White-controlled society, it was the color of a person's skin that was the determining factor in his choice of career, his social and economic status, and even in his right to express himself politically. "
| |
|
Impact of Federal Minimum Wage Increase, 2008. This paper is a literature review on the effects of the recent federal minimum wage increase. 2,416 words (approx. 9.7 pages), 20 sources, APA, $ 73.95 »
Click here to show/hide summary
Abstract This paper discusses the hotly debated validity of raising the minimum wage. Specifically, the paper looks at how experts on both sides cannot agree on the real effects that raises in the minimum wage have had or will have in the future, on managerial decision making. For the most part the consensus among economists is that it will either create a wash for the employee or hurt the employee, and that it will have at least some effect on managerial decisions, including such things as reducing non-cash benefits, increasing work loads to match new labor costs or reducing the number of new hires that occur. Furthermore, the paper states that the question of Kansas is even more marginal, as the adoption of such a wage increase will likely severely change the face of small business decisions in the state.
From the Paper "Employment of entry level workers is an essential aspect of economic growth, especially in small businesses as they comprise a majority of businesses and hire a significant portion of entry level workers. Any real reduction in entry level employment, especially among people who are likely to need experience, but are frequently still in a position of being sheltered by family, such as the lowest age group noted here, will severely hinder their ability to move forward as members of a growing economy and may delay independence and even college attendance. More vulnerable individuals in this demographic, those not being sheltered by family still, are likely to then become lost in a system that does not offer comprehensive unemployment insurance to wage earners that have not paid enough into the system yet. Another researcher would like to point out the particular vulnerability of the disabled worker, as if cost-benefit ratios are the exclusive tool for deciding who to hire for an entry level job those with the perceived lowest level of production abilities, i.e. the disabled will be less likely to obtain work. (Lehmann, 2006, p. 50) These people, including young adults, teenagers the disabled and minorities are then relegated to become not only the working poor as they were before but are now in a position to have to ask for even more help elsewhere, such as welfare, a system that has also been severly reduced in the last few years with reforms. (Lehmann, 2006, p. 50) (Burkhauser, Couch & Wittenburg, 2000, p. 16)"
|
|
|